Judge refuses to dismiss gay marriage ban lawsuit

A federal judge challenged the backers of California's voter-enacted ban on same-sex marriage Wednesday to explain how allowing gay couples to wed threatens conventional unions, a demand that prompted their lawyer to acknowledge he did not know.

The unusual exchange between U.S. District Chief Judge Vaughn Walker and Charles Cooper, a lawyer for the group that sponsored Proposition 8, came during a hearing on a lawsuit challenging the measure as discriminatory under the U.S. Constitution.
Cooper had asked Walker to throw out the suit or make it more difficult for those civil rights claims to prevail.

The judge not only refused but signaled that when the case goes to trial in January, he expects Cooper and his legal team to present evidence showing that male-female marriages would be undermined if same-sex marriages were legal.
The question is relevant to the assertion by gay marriage opponents that Proposition 8 is constitutionally valid because it furthers the state's goal of fostering "naturally procreative relationships," Walker explained.

"What is the harm to the procreation purpose you outlined of allowing same-sex couples to get married?" Walker asked.
"My answer is, I don't know. I don't know," Cooper answered.
Moments later, after assuring the judge his response did not mean Proposition 8 was doomed to be struck down, Cooper tried to clarify his position. The relevant question was not whether there is proof that same-sex unions jeopardize marriages between men and women, but whether "the state is entitled, when dealing with radical proposals to make changes to bedrock institutions such as this ... to take a wait and see attitude," he said.
"There are things we can't know, that's my point," Cooper said. "The people of California are entitled to step back and let the experiment unfold in Massachusetts and other places, to see whether our concerns about the health of marital unions have either been confirmed or perhaps they have been completely assuaged."
Walker pressed on, asking again for specific "adverse consequences" that could follow expanding marriage to include same-sex couples. Cooper cited a study from the Netherlands, where gay marriage is legal, showing that straight couples were increasingly opting to become domestic partners instead of getting married.
"Has that been harmful to children in the Netherlands? What is the adverse effect?" Walker asked.
Cooper said he did not have the facts at hand.
"But it is not self-evident that there is no chance of any harm, and the people of California are entitled not to take the risk," he said.
"Since when do Constitutional rights rest on the proof of no harm?" Walker parried, adding the First Amendment right to free speech protects activities that many find offensive, "but we tolerate those in a free society."
Walker made clear that he wants to examine other issues that are part of the political rhetoric surrounding same-sex marriage but rarely surface in courtrooms. Among the questions he plans to entertain at the trial are whether sexual orientation is a fixed or immutable characteristic, whether gays are a politically powerful group, and if same-sex marriage bans such as Proposition 8 were motivated by anti-gay bias.
The lawsuit over which Walker is presiding was brought by two unmarried same-sex couples. They have since been joined by lawyers for the city of San Francisco.
Attorney General Jerry Brown, who was named as a defendant, has taken the rare step of agreeing with the plaintiffs instead of arguing to uphold the voter-approved law.
In allowing the case to move forward, Walker said significant questions remain about whether the California measure, which was approved by 52 percent of voters in November, unlawfully violates the rights of gays and lesbians to equality and due process guaranteed under the U.S. Constitution. The measure overturned a state Supreme Court ruling earlier in the year that legalized same-sex marriages.
An estimated 18,000 gay couples wed before the law took effect. In May, the Supreme Court declined to invalidate Proposition 8 but upheld the existing same-sex marriages.
Chad Griffin, a Los Angeles political consultant who spearheaded the lawsuit, said after Wednesday's hearing that he was thrilled by Walker's ruling, "which brings us one step closer to the beginning of a federal trial where we will be able to prove the unconstitutionality of Prop. 8."
Cooper said he, too, would be ready to address the issues Walker outlined, though he declined to comment on the grilling by the judge.
"We all heard it, and we haven't had the benefit of reviewing it," he said.
Andy Pugno, general counsel to the coalition of religious and social conservative groups behind Proposition 8, said that after losing the election, supporters of same-sex marriage were trying to persuade the judge to substitute their views for those expressed by voters.
"What really is happening is the voters who passed Proposition 8 are essentially on trial in this case, and they continue to be accused of being irrational and bigoted for restoring the traditional definition of marriage," he said.

Lawyers in CIA trial argue for immunity

Lawyers for two high-ranking former CIA operatives in Italy charged in the 2003 kidnapping of an Egyptian cleric argued on Wednesday that their clients should be granted diplomatic immunity.
They also said evidence against the two, who were allegedly acting as part of the agency's extraordinary renditions program, was insufficient for a conviction.
Jeffrey Castelli, identified as the former head of the CIA in Rome, is the highest-level American defendant among the 26 charged in what prosecutors argue was a CIA-led extraordinary rendition of a terror suspect.
Prosecutors are seeking 13 years in jail for Castelli, citing his alleged role in orchestrating the abduction along with the former head of the Italian military intelligence, and 12 years for Robert Seldon Lady, the Milan station chief at the time.
It is the first trial anywhere in the world scrutinizing extraordinary renditions, which human rights advocates say were the CIA's way of outsourcing the torture of suspected terrorists to countries where it was practiced.
The CIA has declined to comment on the case, and Italy's government has denied involvement. Lawyers have entered innocent pleas for the Americans, who are considered fugitives and risk arrest in Italy. Seven Italians also are charged.
Matilde Sansalone argued that Castelli enjoys immunity because he was an accredited diplomat at the U.S. Embassy in Rome at the time of the disappearance on Feb. 17, 2003 of Osama Moustafa Hassan Nasr, an Egyptian cleric who at the time was under investigation as a terror suspect by Italian authorities.
Another lawyer, Arianna Barbazza, argued that Lady too should be granted immunity, and said that evidence linking him to the cleric's disappearance is insufficient.
Sansalone and Barbazza are both court-appointed lawyers, and have had no contact with their clients.
The judge in the preliminary hearing phase already has ruled out immunity for the U.S. defendants because of the severity of the charges.
Sansalone also said during her closing arguments that much of the testimony presented against Castelli was no longer admissible, due to a ruling by Italy's Constitutional Court striking any evidence referring to the workings of the Italian or American secret services. This includes testimony indicating a meeting between Castelli and the head of Italian military intelligence, Nicolo Pollari.
Even if it were admitted, Sansalone argued that the evidence in no way proves her client's involvement. She also argued there was no evidence indicating he orchestrated the kidnapping, saying that responsibility was assigned only because of his high-level position at the embassy.
Barbazza, who represents half of the American defendants, said her remaining 12 clients have been identified on the basis of such evidence as poor quality passport photographs or cell phone records. She argued the evidence does not meet standards for positively identifying defendants charged with a crime as serious as kidnapping.
"They need to be acquitted because we don't have certain and physical identification," she told the court.
Prosecutors say Nasr was taken in broad daylight from a Milan street on Feb. 17, 2003, transferred in a van to the Aviano Air Base in northern Italy, then flown to the Ramstein Air Base in southern Germany before being flown onward to Egypt — where he was allegedly tortured.
Barbazza and another court-appointed lawyer, Alessia Sorgato, also said that if the judge determined there was indeed a CIA order for Nasr's kidnapping, the defendants would be innocent because they were subordinates following orders.
"They were the last link of a long chain," Barbazza said.
Defense arguments continue next week. A verdict is expected in November.

Take one farmer, 15 judges and an army of lawyers Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/debate/article-1220153/ANDREW-ALEXANDER-Take-farmer-15-judges

You can treat the following little tale as a parlour game: who can be first to guess what the court was ruling on. Or you can treat it as a sign of the times.
The case concerned both the British courts and Europe's mighty Court of Justice. And, by the way, I promise I am not making any of this up.
To put the case in a nutshell: The Grand Chamber of the court has responded to a request from the British courts (Queen's Bench Division), which asked for a preliminary ruling - I love the preliminary - under article 234 EC on Council Regulation (EC No. 1782/2003) on common rules for support schemes for the Common Agricultural Policy for farmers (OJ 2003 1270/1).
Specifically on the interpretation of Article 6 of Regulation 1782/2003 as viewed in the light of Articles 3 and 5, laying out rules for the maintenance of farmland in 'good agricultural and environmental conditions'. Or GAEC, as most of you no doubt call it in general conversation.
What was this mountainous fuss all about? Any player who cries 'footpaths' has the answer.
Court President Vassilios Skouris and his 14 fellow judges were weighing up footpaths. Or rather, one English footpath.
Or rather (sorry about this but it is rather confusing), whether the owner of a certain footpath is entitled to a benefit insofar as its maintenance falls under the requirements of Article 3, Annex IV as laid down in paragraphs 26-29 of the Schedule to the CAP Single Payment and Support Schemes.


More from Andrew Alexander...

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  • ANDREW ALEXANDER: Edward Kennedy and the politics of vice and virtue 01/09/09
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  • VIEW FULL ARCHIVE
But there I go again. I am over oversimplifying. The issue is not about the length, breadth or delights of the footpath, but how its upkeep, or lack of it, should or should not be reflected in direct payments by the appropriate body according to its designated jurisdiction. Which, of course, takes us straight to the Cross Compliance (England) regulations (SI 2004 No. 3196), wisely cited by the court.
The issue centres on whether the rules, being devolved to member states under the above paragraphs, must apply without fear or distinction in all parts of the UK.
The farmer in question, a Mr Horvath, being a farmer in England, claimed he was suffering ' discrimination' - ah, that word - because the rules about direct payments for GAEC were less helpful than in, for example, Scotland, which is a devolved authority within the UK.
For what it is worth, the Grand Chamber ruled this was not the sort of discrimination defined under Community law, which, as we know, is a sin of the greatest wickedness. So bad luck for Mr Horvath.
Still you have to wonder about the wisdom, not to say sanity, of this fantastic legalistic expedition all the way from a footpath in England to Luxembourg. One also has to wonder, among other things, how many interpreters the court may have resorted to.
What is 'footpath' in Bulgarian or Latvian, I ponder.
You may also puzzle over how many judges you can get on to one bench. It sounds rather like some undergraduate joke. Fifteen certainly sounds rather crowded to me.
It is also fair to wonder how large was the army of lawyers who were involved at national and EU levels. The bill, which has ultimately to fall on the public purse, must be pretty large - considerably larger, one would guess, than the payment Farmer Horvath was hoping for in return for maintaining a right of way.
The whole event comes under the heading of The Way We Live Now.
And if you jib at it, or the cost involved, there can always be the smug official riposte that, after all, you voted for it (snigger snigger).